Lively and inspiring, From Secret Ballot to Democracy Sausage is a landmark account of the character of Australian democracy by the celebrated historian Judith Brett, the prize-winning biographer of Alfred Deakin. This is a comprehensive work which will stand as a definitive source on Alfred Deakin.’ Prime Minister’s Literary Awards 2018, Judges’ comments ‘Truly one of the great political biographies of our time, a delicately nuanced, warm ... The public, therefore, must become more familiar with ‘the real Mr. Menzies’. In September 1946, after hurriedly assembling several policies and making what Chifley called ‘glittering promises’, the Liberals won just 32 per cent of the popular vote. Unwittingly, Ben Chifley had sponsored the largest fighting fund enjoyed by any non-Labor party since Federation. At the 1949 federal election, he defeated Ben Chifley’s Labor Party and once again became Australia’s Prime Minister. Sir Percy Spender, the Minister for External Affairs, was of a very different . Two things were essential. Perhaps the most significant aspect of Menzies’ religiosity was his aversion to sectarianism – unusual during a period in Australia’s history in which Catholic-Protestant rivalries still raged. Her father, Edward, was a Quandamooka man from the Noonuccal Clan from the area around Moreton Bay and Stradbroke Island and her mother, Lucy, was of the Peewee clan from inland Australia. Hon John Anderson AO is former deputy prime minister. Given that the state and federal Country parties rejected any form of fusion, the Liberals in the four affected States—New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland and Western Australia—had to decide between directly challenging for Country Party-held seats, or accepting Country Party rights to certain seats and concentrating mainly on Labor-held rural areas. This book focuses on the period between 1941, when Menzies lost the prime-ministership, to 1949, when he regained it. The FWC had identified public health, social services, the divorce laws and the political education and status of women as issues of special interest. A decision, Menzies said, could be avoided in 1946 when it was reasonable to suppose that Labor was a party of reform rather than of socialisation. But the modern party had embraced Keynesianism, rejected laissez-faire, would not allow monopolies to do as they liked, and would guard Australia against the recurrence of a depression. Albury had seemingly come to nothing. He pointed out that, although ‘decent’ Catholics (among whom, he presumably included his own wife) had no time for Labor, they had been rejected and attacked by the anti-Labor parties for some 50 years. He was the Leader of the United Australia Party 1939 to 1944 and Leader of the Liberal Party 1944 to 1966. This interest is driven, not so much by curiosity or a desire to make contact with happier times, but by the concurrence of two anniversaries. Born into humble circumstances, Menzies obtained a first-class secondary and university . Menzies chastised him in August 1945 for speaking of raising £1m for federal funds. The renewed confidence of the membership was matched by the increased professionalism of the organisation, itself a further defining factor of the new Liberal Party. An internal federal investigation in November 1945 found a general state of apathy among the membership. John Anderson, a young army officer, spent two years after the war recuperating from appalling injuries in Heidelberg Hospital. The Prime Minister was fixed in the public mind as the ‘honest-to-God Australian’ type: appearing to be homespun, a little eccentric, even given to misery, but always ‘solid’. Contributor: Morgan Bell ww2dbase Robert Gordon Menzies, like John Curtin, was born near the end of the nineteenth century in rural Victoria, at a time when Japan was at the beginning of its territorial expansion through war, with the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95. Robert Menzies was the Prime Minister of Australia from 1939 to 1941, and 1949 to 1966. Yet the past exists in order to be selected, manipulated and invoked. Allen Missen recalled in 1970 how, as a university student, he had attended a UAP branch meeting in Kew, Victoria, where decaying ‘old men—to me very ancient men—[were] sitting in sparse numbers, and discussing without noticeable enthusiasm the political affairs of the day’. With contributions by leading constitutional lawyers and judges, as well as two former chief justices, this book will appeal to members of the judiciary, lawyers, political scientists, historians and people with a general interest in ... When the New South Wales Country Party rejected marriage, Spooner went to war, backing rural Liberals who had opened branches in Country Party strongholds. Their defence was straightforward, and unanswerable: the Liberals could not become a truly national Party unless they represented all regions of Australia. I have already mentioned Menzies’ speech at the party launch in August 1945 in the context of a new direction. What they all wanted, was a new party, untainted by the past, a view which angered older UAP types who objected to being treated as cast-offs when they came forward to join. The organisation’s Federal Rural Committee drafted the rural sections of the speech. Clearly, to some extent, the FWC in the late 1940s was ahead of the party. Click here to register and here to buy the book. Lowe (history, Deakin U.) finds prime minister Robert Menzies to be the towering figure of the age as he explores the Cold War from Australia's perspective. The party already knew that Menzies represented one of its principal difficulties. Robert Menzies is the Owner and Chairman of the Aberdeen Caroilna & Western Railway Company. The latest work by noted New Testament scholar Robert P. Menzies, The Language of the Spirit: Interpreting and Translating Charismatic Terms, treats in successive chapters six key issues that impact the translation of New Testament terms ... Robert Menzies was not shy in promulgating the importance of Christianity to a democratic, peaceful and free Australia. In total Robert Menzies spent 18 years, 5 months and 12 days in office. And, by opening branches in, and threatening to contest, Country Party seats, Liberals in four states fought Menzies who wanted the party to concentrate on those rural areas where the Country Party was not strong. The new men who were elected to the enlarged House of Representatives in 1949 included both the careerists and the idealists. A third innovation was that the Federal Secretariat issued two versions of the speech: 30 000 copies of the full speech and 610 000 copies of a shorter, ‘popular’ edition, of which over half were distributed in New South Wales. The main reason for this lack of confidence was that the formulation of the party’s policy was proceeding at the pace of ‘a slow motion picture of an international chess final’. It is why he championed the doctrine of the separation of powers. By then, the party had prepared 330 000 copies of its own booklet—How Well Do You Know This Man?—portraying Menzies as a self-made man of the people, the grandson of a miner, a family man of simple tastes who loved sport, who had sacrificed health and comfort for his country, who had never ‘squibbed’ a fight and was an international statesman. He will be launching God & Menzies: The Faith that Shaped a Prime Minister and his Nation by David Furse-Roberts online on 15 September. Aunty Oodgeroo Noonuccal was born in Minjerribah (North Stradbroke Island) in Queensland in 1920. Robert Gordon Menzies was Australia's longest serving Prime Minister. Sir Robert Gordon (Bob) Menzies (1894-1978), prime minister and barrister, was born on 20 December 1894 at Jeparit, Victoria, fourth of five children of Australian-born parents James Menzies, storekeeper, and his wife Kate, née Sampson. He spoke of these things because he believed in them. On his return to Australia in 1941 he lost the confidence of members of Cabinet and his party who believed he was an electoral liability and he was forced to resign. The National Library of Australia acknowledges Australia’s First Nations Peoples – the First Australians – as the Traditional Owners and Custodians of this land and gives respect to the Elders – past and present – and through them to all Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The influence of his father's dedication to the community stayed with Menzies through his study and in government. Menzies also reluctantly committed Australian troops to what became a disastrous campaign in Greece. Secondly, there might, however, be a general lesson for the modern party. He was the Prime Minister of Australia 26 April, 1939 to 26 August, 1941 and again 19 December, 1949 to 26 January, 1966. Sir Robert Gordon Menzies, KT, AK, CH, QC, FAA, FRS (/ ˈ m ɛ n z iː z /; 20 December 1894 - 15 May 1978), was an Australian politician who served as the 12th prime minister of Australia, in office from 1939 to 1941 and again from 1949 to 1966.He played a central role in the creation of the Liberal Party of Australia, defining its policies and its broad outreach. When John Carrick, the New South Wales General Secretary, suggested that the party might issue a coloured pictorial of Menzies’ life, the Federal Director, Don Cleland, although arguing that an idea should not be condemned simply because it was novel, raised several financial objections, and one other: the proposal, he said, ‘would be out of keeping with the character of Mr. Menzies’. It assumed that women had a primary responsibility as nurturers and moral guardians of the nation. Robert Menzies completed his PhD studies (New Testament) at the University of Aberdeen, Scotland, under the supervision of I. Howard Marshall in 1989. Robert Menzies: during office. Telling Aird that he wanted to enlist prominent Catholic laymen, Menzies admitted that quite a few of his own people wanted to force all the members of the Church into the Labor ranks. Sir Robert Menzies was elected Prime Minister of Australia in 1949 and maintained leadership for sixteen years. Rubensohn had pointed out that, although the non-Labor parties would have won a workable majority in mid-1948, a snap election in early 1949 would produce a draw. It is one thing to be Australia's longest-serving Prime Minister, but it is quite another to be arguably Australia's most . Loyalty, it said, must ‘be the very core of the party’s activities’. The high moral ground had other advantages: it presented the Liberals with a state election victory in Victoria and a first-ever lead in a Gallup poll. The President of the Victorian Liberals called them ‘a fine team ... young and vigorous, with great all-round ability’. Yet any attempt to boost Menzies’ image faced the problem that the leader was a reluctant candidate for a public relations campaign. To this end, the young Alan Missen, for whom individual rights were everything, the John Anderson who was already successful in small business and for whom integrity and service were central, the W.H. This essay compares the two leaders in four key areas: running the war effort; defining Australia's place on the world stage; dealing with party politics, the electorate and the press; and visions for Australia. Nine days later, on the last day before parliament rose for the 1954 election, Prime Minister Robert Menzies announced the defection and called for a royal commission to inquire into and report on Soviet espionage in Australia. Discusses important role of Sir Robert Menzies as prime minister of Australia and then a more broad discussion on liberal values. Secondly, the year also marks what the party calls its 50th birthday. Menzies succeeded, largely because his purpose was commonly sought and approved. A modified version of this Queensland proposal was adopted for the party platform in 1948. Just four of the 38 had been born in the nineteenth century, all save three were Australian-born, their average age was 43 and 12 were under 40. Robert Menzies was not shy in promulgating the importance of Christianity to a democratic, peaceful and free Australia. Many of its recommendations presupposed substantially increased expenditure on welfare, including pensions, immunisation programmes and anti-TB campaigns, infant health and pre-school training, and primary, secondary and tertiary education. Menzies, recognising talent and enthusiasm, promised to mention his name in Ballarat circles; in 1949 the young man just missed pre-selection. Altogether he was Prime Minister for over 18 years - still the record term for an Australian Prime Minister. On 29 April 1965 Prime Minister Robert Menzies announced in parliament that Australia would send a battalion of combat troops to Vietnam.. Robert Menzies is the first biography in 20 years of the Liberal icon--and it contains important contemporary lessons for those who want to understand, and master, the art and science of politics. Chifley, too, was a gentleman: he appreciated Casey’s action, and wished him well. Instead, they were expected to advise the party on policy matters affecting women, to educate women in political and national questions, to maintain the active interest of women in the branches and coordinate women’s work in the state divisions. Armed with Rubensohn’s advice, Casey won Federal Executive approval for the appointment in February 1949 of Stewart Howard as a special public relations adviser to Menzies, to boost him as a statesman with a human face. The Liberals now confronted the possibility of permanent opposition under expanding socialist rule. Unlike Curtin, Menzies came from a middle class family, taking advantage of the wealth and opportunity afforded by his status and . Not surprisingly, they came to regard themselves as a separate and special group; those who had come to Canberra to thwart the progress of socialism and ‘iron government control’, and to advance the cause of freedom. It is why he always insisted on adherence to the proper processes of Cabinet decisionmaking. Casey regarded ‘Austral’ as his great triumph, though he did admit that the commentaries became excessively negative, and thought of enlisting Gwen Meredith of ‘The Lawsons’ and ‘Blue Hills’ to add a woman’s touch. The longest-serving prime minister was Sir Robert Menzies, who served in office twice: from 26 April 1939 to 28 August 1941, and again from 19 December 1949 to 26 January 1966. For example, it ditched a Victorian proposal to reinstate federalism by abolishing uniform taxation. I want to look at those years of recovery and eventual triumph to show what kind of Liberal Party assumed the leadership of non-Labor politics. Furse-Roberts shows at the very least that, even if Menzies was no Christian enthusiast in the evangelical mould, his world-view and vision for Australia’s future cannot be adequately explained without uncovering his deeply held conviction that Christianity is absolutely essential for democracy and a healthy civilisation. Yet the committee also embodied and reinforced a number of conservative values. This book is a heartfelt invitation for all Christians to be open to a new filling of the Holy Spirit of Jesus so He can continue to do immeasurably more for and through mere human beings than any of us can ask or even imagine!
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